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An essay about fibroids, and the time I bled on the floor at work.
Several years ago, I had an operation to remove eight uterine fibroids. One was roughly the size of a grapefruit; another, an orange.
Despite the hour-long cardio kickboxing class I was then taking five times a week, I had been putting on weight—probably just muscle mass, I’d deludedly thought at the time. But my abdomen was noticeably protruding, and I had gone from having heavy periods to bleeding uncontrollably at times that were unconnected to my usual menstrual cycle. I looked and felt like I was four months pregnant, minus the motherly glow: all of the eerie, alien sensations of pregnancy with none of the compensations of a yearned-for baby. I could feel the fibroids’ taut mass when I woke up in the morning, like a brick in my belly, and I had to pee constantly—so much and so often that I was afraid to go anywhere without knowing where the nearest bathroom was. I knew, as you often do, that something was wrong.
Fibroids are uterine muscle cells that grow in a ball or clump. They can be as small as a pea, or as large as a full-term baby. They can grow inside or outside of the uterus, directly on the uterine wall, or from a “stalk” made of smooth muscle cells.
They’re also incredibly common: Many women have them, but you wouldn’t necessarily know unless you had symptoms. Black women are more likely than other women to get them, and more likely to need treatment. Larger fibroids and those that grow at the end of the vaginal tract can make penetrative sex painful—something I never experienced, though they did shrink my once prodigious libido, as neither the word “fibroids” nor the thing itself is a known aphrodisiac.
In rare cases, fibroids can resolve on their own. Mine had to be surgically removed because they were causing me to bleed as suddenly and copiously as if I’d been stabbed—including one time when I bled through a super-plus tampon onto the floor at work. A male coworker had pointed out the small puddle of blood forming beneath my desk, wondering aloud where it had come from: Was the ceiling weeping blood, like something out of a horror movie? I pretended I had cut my leg and fled to the ladies’ room, eventually returning, mortified, to mop up the blood with a Lysol wipe. My coworkers were kind enough to accept, and even pretend to believe, the bizarre claim that I had somehow injured my leg, when both were visibly bare and intact.
It wasn’t the first time my fibroids had made themselves known. Several months earlier, I’d bled through an ultra-absorbent tampon at a movie theater while watching a documentary about Ruth Bader Ginsburg. It was summer; I was wearing pale green shorts. When I stood up, rivulets of blood poured down the backs of my legs and pooled in my sneakers.
Another time, despite the presence of another super-plus tampon and a gigantic, diaper-like maxi pad, I ruined a set of white sheets on a bed in a house my parents were renting. My sister-in-law—a social worker who’s seen worse—helped me change the sheets.
Then there was the time I started bleeding heavily while waiting in line for an international flight. The floodgates opened just after an airline employee summoned me, by name, to the check-in desk, where I was asked to produce my passport for a random extra security check. As I boarded the flight, I squeezed my legs together and prayed. During takeoff, I pressed a scratchy airplane blanket into my lap like a tourniquet.
It was in a period of painful transitions that my symptoms were most acute: six failed job interviews and three funerals, two for grandparents and one for my parents’ oldest and closest friend. All the black clothes came in handy. When it got hot again, I bought a hideous, tent-like maxi dress made of thick black cotton. I hated how it looked—too funereal for summer—but loved that it was ankle-length and absorptive.
After months of heavy bleeding and diagnostic tests—CT scans and ultrasounds and endless consultations—I had a myomectomy. At some point I started looking into what causes fibroids; as with so many medical problems women suffer, the answer was a combination of, “We don’t know” and “Try losing some weight.” Being overweight or obese is a risk factor, as is consuming red meat and alcohol, especially beer. Nulliparity, or never having given birth, is another. I am neither sylphlike nor fat. My weight has fluctuated over the years, but rarely by more than 15 pounds. As far as I know, I have never been pregnant. I have often consumed red meat and alcohol, including beer, though I’ve attempted to rein in these vices as I’ve gotten older. While I don’t blame my love of beer and bacon for my fibroids, it was hard to read about the risk factors without feeling indicted—and, in my case, mulish and defiant. (“Especially beer?” I muttered to myself while researching. “Who came up with this list, my mom?”)
Thinking it might shrink my fibroids to a manageable size or keep them from growing back, and liking the idea of grandkids, my sweet-natured, supportive dad once gently floated pregnancy as a possible solution. I’ve always been ambivalent about motherhood and resent pressure and unsolicited advice of any kind. But it wasn’t a crazy suggestion. I am in a stable and happy long-term relationship with a man who is also ambivalent about parenthood, but would have done his best to knock me up if I’d asked.
Getting pregnant wouldn’t necessarily have solved the problem, either. Pregnancy, with its wild hormone fluctuations and variable uterine blood flow, can shrink fibroids, but it can also cause them to grow. Fibroids can also increase the risk of a miscarriage, premature birth, breech birth, or placental abruption, a serious condition in which the placenta separates from the inner wall of the uterus, potentially causing the person giving birth to bleed heavily and/or cutting off the baby's supply of oxygen and nutrients. In other words, an unexpected pregnancy could shrink my fibroids—or kill me and my baby. And regardless of what I want, part of being a woman is knowing that millions of people around the world would find either scenario acceptable.
After the surgery, I was out of commission for six weeks. It took me a week to have a normal bowel movement again, and more for my energy and strength to return. I was forbidden to engage in any physical activity more strenuous than walking. Just out of the operating room and still doped up, I’d slurred that I was from a family of nurses and social workers (I didn’t mention the lawyers), and that I thought that nurses were underpaid saints. The nurse on duty said, “I like you! I’m gonna put you in one of the good rooms.” It was a private room on a high floor with a stunning view of the East River. My partner folded his large frame onto a tiny couch-bed in the corner and slept there for several nights.
On the first night, two nurses helped me drag my body out of the hospital bed so I could pee. One of the incisions opened up, sending a hefty splash of pooled blood shooting out of my side. It wasn’t painful and I was too out of it to be frightened, but my partner looked like he’d seen a baby get hit by a car. The nurses muscled me back into bed. It turned out I needed a transfusion, which meant lying still for several hours while feeling the prickly, itchy, ghostly sensation of being pumped full of a stranger’s blood. When I moved the wrong way, I’d inadvertently tug on the IV catheter, sending a hot, throbbing ache skittering across the surface of the skin where they’d stuck the needle.
When I was discharged, a kind but stern nurse with a mellifluous Caribbean accent told me not to do any heavy lifting for at least three weeks. “That means no housework—no mopping or vacuuming, nothing like that,” she said. My partner and I grinned at each other. “I mean it, now!” said the nurse, misinterpreting our amusement and sending us into a fit of laughter. She seemed to think I was the kind of woman who can’t stand to keep a filthy house no matter what the doctor says, rather than the kind who lived, for years, alone and happy in a tiny, dusty, book-filled bachelor pad I almost never cleaned.
Fibroids can grow back, and mine did, necessitating another procedure just one year after the first, and another one after that. Each time, I was newly amazed by my body’s fragility and resilience: the skin, so easily pierced, slowly knitting itself back together again; the scars, so angry and ropy and red, fading to pale pink, sliver-like threads over time.
Harder to quantify was the return of my strength and confidence after years of feeling conspicuous and out of control. The fibroids heightened my anxiety—unless or until I get a hysterectomy or undergo menopause, they can always recur. Not knowing how my own body is going to behave at any given moment makes it difficult to stay sanguine. But maybe because I am close to a number of women who regard their own bodies with shame and ambivalence, I’m determined not to be ashamed of mine. I take a certain amount of perverse satisfaction in telling the story of the Time I Bled on the Floor at Work. When it happened, I was profoundly embarrassed but not ashamed, and I still find the whole episode deeply, darkly funny.
A friend once said that he hates bodies and wishes we could exist as pure spirits, free from the constant, undignified labor of keeping our corporeal forms healthy and strong. I often feel this way. At the same time, I am in awe of my body and consider its restoration a minor miracle. I may never be able to master it fully, but I’m grateful I could rebuild and transcend it.
[post_title] => Female Trouble
[post_excerpt] => An essay about fibroids, and the time I bled on the floor at work.
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Reproductive Health
- A Republican HHS Secretary could override the FDA’s approval of mifepristone, one of the two drugs most often used to induce abortion. Mifepristone was first approved by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) in 2000; but in 2022, anti-abortion activists, hoping to curb access to the drug, filed a lawsuit challenging the FDA’s approach to regulating it. The Supreme Court’s June ruling in that case preserved access to mifepristone for now, but left the door open to further challenges down the road. And the next president’s Health and Human Services (HHS) Secretary could still override the FDA’s approval of the drug, effectively ending what has become the most common method of abortion nationwide.
- An anti-abortion administration could resurrect the Comstock Act. Comstock is a 150-year-old anti-obscenity law which prohibits using the mail to send or receive “obscene” items, potentially including anything that could be used to perform an abortion. Under the Telecommunications Act of 1996, Comstock applies to the internet, as well, meaning that even discussing abortion online could lead to up to five years in prison, $250,000 in fines, or both. Medical abortions performed via telemedicine, wherein providers consult with patients online and send the necessary pills by mail, are just as safe and effective as those performed in person; but Comstock would prevent doctors from sending the pills at all, severing a lifeline connecting women in red states and remote, rural areas to needed care. (Between April 2022 and August 2022, around 4 percent of total recorded abortions in the U.S. were performed via telemedicine; as of May 2024, that figure had risen to 19 percent.) Because Comstock is a federal law, it would most likely invalidate state laws, which means a Republican Department of Justice could federally prosecute doctors and drug companies nationwide. It could also shut down all U.S. abortion clinics by barring them from receiving any abortion-related materials via mail.
- An anti-abortion Republican president could reinstate the global gag rule. The rule bars foreign nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) from using any funds, including non-U.S. government funds, to provide abortion services, information, counseling, referrals, or advocacy, effectively forcing NGOs outside of the U.S. to choose between receiving U.S. global health assistance and providing comprehensive healthcare. It has largely been in place under Republican administrations since 1984, but the Trump administration expanded it to apply to an unprecedented range of agencies and public health programs, many of which serve poor women in rural areas. When women desperate to end a pregnancy are kept in the dark about their options, they have more abortions, not fewer—and many end up dead or seriously injured as a result. The International Women’s Health Coalition wrote in a 2019 report that the rule “contributes to arbitrary deaths by impeding the provision of life-saving care.” Marie Stopes International, one of the largest global family planning organizations, estimated in 2017 that Trump’s expanded gag rule would increase abortions in Nigeria by 660,000 over four years, and that 10,000 women would die as a result. Precise figures are difficult to come by, but it’s clear that women have, as predicted, died as a consequence of this cruel and pointless policy. (Healthcare providers also expect the repeal of Roe to continue harming women worldwide.)
Whether or not the above scenarios come to pass—and there is little doubt that, if a Republican wins the White House in November, the last one will—the harm already caused by state abortion bans shows that a national ban would be an unmitigated disaster. Nor would it stop people from getting abortions. Women end pregnancies for a myriad of reasons, some more common than others. They do so whether it is safe, legal, and accepted, or dangerous, criminal, and condemned. And they do it whether or not their parents, lovers, spouses, friends, neighbors, religious leaders, strangers, or elected officials approve. The only difference is how many will get the quality care they need, and how many will suffer and die.
Forcing a person to carry a pregnancy to term and give birth against their will is a brutal act under any circumstances. But in a country like the U.S., with its threadbare social safety net and policies that vary wildly by state and region, it often means forcing them into poverty, as well. As Bryce Covert explained in 2023, “The states that have banned abortion are the same ones that do the least to help pregnant people and new parents make ends meet.” Most states with abortion bans offer little help to pregnant workers; none guarantee any control over work schedules, paid family leave, or paid sick days. When Lationna Halbert of West Jackson, Mississippi, found herself unexpectedly pregnant in 2022, she told In These Times, she cried and cried. She was earning just $8.50 per hour and already had a four-year-old son. She and her partner were not ready for another baby, nor could they afford to raise one. When Roe was overturned, an abortion ban automatically went into effect in Mississippi, shutting down the state’s last remaining clinic. By the time Halbert realized she was pregnant, it was too late: She couldn’t afford to travel to another state to get an abortion, and it was impossible to get one safely and legally in Mississippi. She delivered her second baby in a hospital with no hot water.
As I have written for The Conversationalist before, the same officials who worked so tirelessly to overturn Roe have also fiercely resisted using public funds to help vulnerable women like Halbert. This is because the same politicians who romanticized her fetus have nothing but contempt for Halbert herself, and for all the other people—who are, not coincidentally, mostly women—being forced to have babies they do not want and cannot provide for. That contempt is matched only by their sociopathic indifference to the children who make it out of the womb—the kind who already exist, only to be routinely denied housing, healthcare, and basic nourishment by their state governments. (Nor do these politicians have any empathy for living, breathing children facing crisis pregnancies of their own.)
If pregnant women are the primary and intended victims of U.S. abortion policy, which is rooted in a desire to control and punish them, their children, partners, and families are collateral damage. It is bad for babies to be unwanted; bad for already existing children to be deprived of needed resources; and bad for the couple experiencing an unexpected pregnancy to be forced to have a baby that one or neither wants. It is delusional and insulting to pretend otherwise. Anti-abortion zealots’ cozy fantasies of domestic fulfillment have nothing to do with the daily lives of women forced into motherhood.
Even under a Democratic administration, women are already being investigated, prosecuted, and punished for various pregnancy outcomes, including miscarriages. In 2023, Brittany Watts, a 33-year-old Black woman in Ohio whose water broke prematurely, leading to a miscarriage, was charged with abuse of a corpse—a felony punishable by up to one year in prison and a $2,500 fine. Doctors told Watts her fetus was nonviable, and she spent a total of 19 hours in a local hospital over the course of two days, begging for supervised medical help. Concerned about the potential legal ramifications, the hospital repeatedly delayed her care. Watts ultimately gave up and miscarried alone in her bathroom. When she returned to the hospital for follow-up care, a nurse rubbed her back and told her everything would be okay—then called the police at the behest of the hospital's risk management team. As Watts was lying in the hospital recovering, police searched her home, seized her toilet, and broke it apart to retrieve the remains of her fetus as “evidence.” Watts’ charge was dismissed after a grand jury declined to indict her: Her prosecution was meant to shame and punish her, not protect her fetus. But prosecutors have always been more inclined to target women of color, immigrants, and/or poor women in these types of cases—because it’s easier to win against someone who can’t fight back. Watts’ experience also specifically demonstrates how little our healthcare system values the health and well-being of Black women, who are three times more likely than white women to die from a pregnancy-related cause.
One of the bitterest ironies of conservative reasoning on abortion is that, followed to its logical conclusion, it will impede tens of thousands of people who desperately want to become parents or expand their families from doing so. When the Alabama Supreme Court ruled in February that embryos created through in vitro fertilization (IVF) are children, three of the state’s IVF providers suspended their services, fearing legal repercussions. (Alabama voters in a longtime Republican stronghold were so alarmed that they elected a pro-abortion rights Democrat to Congress a few weeks later.) A number of prominent Republicans, including Trump, have since affirmed their support for IVF, but that hasn’t stopped many of them from co-sponsoring the Life at Conception Act, a piece of federal legislation that would ban nearly all abortions nationwide and does not include a carveout for IVF. Nor has it stopped those same Republicans from blocking a recent bill that would have protected the procedure. Leaders of the nation’s largest Protestant denomination, Southern Baptists, have recently voted to condemn the use of IVF, as well.
While Republicans’ support of openly fascist and deeply unpopular abortion policies has become a political liability for the GOP, it’s simultaneously become a human nightmare for the rest of us. Trump’s failed attempt to contain the political fallout from Arizona’s recent revival of an 1864 ban is an object lesson in locking the barn door after the horse has bolted. If abortion is the same as infanticide, as most anti-abortion activists insist that it is, then no person seeking one would be exempt from prosecution, whether you’re 9 years old and a man rapes you, 11 years old and your grandfather rapes you, 12 years old and a man rapes you, 33 and desperate to end your pregnancy, 33 and suicidal, a married mother who doesn’t want another child, or unexpectedly pregnant at 45. Even white, married, heterosexual moms are not exempt. The state of Texas recently forced lifelong Texan Kate Cox to travel out of state for an abortion she needed to protect her life and fertility. Cox, a married mother of two who wants more kids, was told that her third pregnancy was nonviable: The fetus was unlikely to survive, and the best-case scenario was that she might give birth to a baby who would live in anguish for a week or less. Alternatively, she could experience a life-threatening uterine rupture and need a C-section and/or a hysterectomy, potentially losing the ability to have more children in the future. Forced sterilization, which is one outcome Texas’ barbaric denial of care could have imposed on Cox had she lacked the means to travel out of state, is internationally recognized as a human rights crime. No wonder she fled.
It’s a sad truth that things can always get worse, even for relatively privileged Americans. Until it did, many legal experts considered it highly unlikely that the Supreme Court would overturn Roe, upending nearly 50 years of precedent and stripping American women of a right guaranteed to us for half a century. But many U.S. residents, particularly in rural areas and throughout the South and Midwest, have been living under de facto abortion bans for at least the last decade. A right is only guaranteed when it can be freely and easily exercised by all; for many U.S. residents, the cost of abortion—the procedure itself, the travel, the lodging, the childcare costs, the ability to request and take time away from paid work—is too high. One in five U.S. women must travel more than 40 miles one way to access care; in some rural areas, that distance is 300 miles or more. Under a national abortion ban, the situation will only grow more dire. People have taken and will continue to take risks that range from reasonable but frightening (crossing the border to buy pills from a pharmacy in Mexico) to desperate and potentially fatal (shooting themselves in the stomach). Denying care to women who need it permanently alters their lives, most often not for the better.
There is no reason to believe that the proudly anti-democratic GOP will uphold democratic norms or respect the popular will, and little reason to trust the Democratic Party, which has, in recent years, canceled elections, failed to defend abortion rights, and repeatedly defied its own voters. But focusing on how abortion politics are hurting the GOP or improving Biden’s chances misses the point. Like miscarriage, abortion stops an embryo or a fetus from becoming a baby. Restricting it tortures women, children, and families and rips holes in communities. Policies that harm actual, living people must be stopped, and those who promote them held to account. Voting is one fragile, inadequate tool. With so many lives at stake, we’ll need more.
[post_title] => The Reality of a National Abortion Ban [post_excerpt] => Two years after Roe v. Wade was overturned, an honest assessment of how things could get worse. [post_status] => publish [comment_status] => closed [ping_status] => closed [post_password] => [post_name] => national-abortion-ban-republican-gop-president-election-roe-v-wade-womens-rights-united-states-policy [to_ping] => [pinged] => [post_modified] => 2026-08-04 17:06:13 [post_modified_gmt] => 2026-08-04 17:06:13 [post_content_filtered] => [post_parent] => 0 [guid] => https://conversationalist.org/?p=6921 [menu_order] => 54 [post_type] => post [post_mime_type] => [comment_count] => 0 [filter] => raw )


